This expansive consolidation of power has been carried out through a strategy of patronage to a handful of individuals with whom he is personally close, including members of his family. While this helps guarantee the loyalty of those holding influence, it comes at the expense of a more diffuse and truly stable institutional system.
Kamel himself advocates for other issues in addition to Coptic rights, including urban housing and investment projects in Cairo. His activism represents an impassioned and longstanding fight for citizenship rights and critique of Sisi’s authoritarian turn, earning the respect of many of his colleagues who are currently generating awareness of his arrest and calling for his release from prison.
In 2016, Egyptian human rights lawyers launched “Freedom for the Black Gown,” a campaign dedicated to highlighting the ongoing crackdown that had expanded to include the legal community. The campaign
A stifling and restrictive environment for freedom of expression and the press in Egypt is visible in the way journalists and media workers find themselves caught in an intricate and complex web of bureaucratic measures, laws and regulations whose primary function is to impede independent, critical reporting and entrench the state’s censorship over content to ultimately establish control over narrative.
Going forward it’s important to identify and prioritize realistic demands that protect or expand valuable space for Egyptians to build civil society and protect essential rights that governments can unify their pressure around. By chipping away at the regime’s authoritarian excesses the international community, alongside Egyptian civil society, can help make incremental progress that benefit all Egyptians.
The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a 6,500-megawatt hydroelectric power plant being constructed in Ethiopia, has been a major point of contention between Egypt and its southern neighbors.
China’s interests in Egypt have brought valuable revenue into the country, but their long-term social impact is unclear, and the strengthening of ties may facilitate rights abuses as China has interrogated and repatriated members of its Muslim Uighur community from Egypt.
Ahead of Egypt’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) pre-session, TIMEP and the Law Society of England and Wales issued a UPR Advocacy Fact Sheet that complements the joint stakeholder report that the two organizations published in March 2019 per the UPR process.
The poor state of Egyptian detention centers, combined with the mass incarceration that Egypt has seen in recent years, constitutes violations of human rights en masse, without access to justice, further normalizing and entrenching these abject conditions.
Egypt’s 2019 draft NGO Law governs the process by which domestic and foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can achieve legal recognition and sets forth provisions on their activities, oversight and monitoring, funding, and sanctions for violations of the law.
TIMEP continues to call on the Egyptian government to adhere to its domestic and international obligations to guarantee freedom of expression.
TIMEP offers condolences to victims and families killed in the attack on the Sufi mosque in Bir al-Abd, North Sinai, and resoundingly denounces this attack and ongoing violence in Egypt.
TIMEP continues to call on the Egyptian government to immediately end its persecution of Egypt’s LGBT community and wider crackdown on individual freedoms and freedom of expression.
On Sunday April 16, a Cairo criminal court acquitted Egyptian-American activist Aya Hijazi and six co-defendants on charges of human trafficking, kidnapping, and the sexual exploitation and torture of children.
The letter addressed the current crackdown on Egypt’s civil society organizations, human rights defenders, and media workers as evidenced by the continuation of the 2011 legal case against NGOs.
The fact sheet here describes the various individuals who announced their intention to contest the elections, the response to that announcement, and other relevant information about their campaigns.
The final brief in the Pulling Back the Curtain series highlights developments and dynamics during and after the voting period, focusing on domestic and international reactions to President Abdel-Fattah El Sisi’s reelection.
Rather than present a vision for Egypt’s next four years, Sisi eschewed any real policy platform in favor of mobilizing sentiments of both fear and patriotism to ensure that citizens participate in the vote.
Egypt’s 2018 presidential election period offers little illusion of any outcome than the president’s reelection. Yet Sisi’s second term will have important implications in several policy areas.
These repressive measures notwithstanding, the period also included genuine resistance, both to President Abdel-Fattah El Sisi and to the compulsory nature of his reelection.
This report serves as the fourth full session report in the ongoing Egypt Parliament Watch project and provides analysis on the parliament with sections on parliamentary performance and legislation, along with appendices detailing a timeline of the fourth session and the report’s methodology.
A parliamentary delegation from the Budget Committee traveled to the United States to meet with various financial and budgeting agencies, as well as local organizations. The delegation is discussing Egypt’s economic reform program, anti-corruption measures, and the budgeting process.
President Abdel-Fattah El Sisi participated in the recent G7 Summit in France, and members of Egypt’s House of Representatives praised the event as signifying Egypt’s economic and diplomatic prominence on the international stage.
Following a car bomb explosion outside of the National Cancer Institute in Cairo on August 4 that killed 20 people, members of Egypt’s House of Representatives condemned terrorism in Egypt. One representative blamed the Muslim Brotherhood for the attack, and others asserted that the attack would not deter Egyptians’ resolve to counter extremism.
The International Relations Committee from the Pan-African Parliament convened in Egypt August 5–8 to discuss regional concerns to the institution. Several officials from the Egyptian House spoke at the continental body’s sessions, highlighting Egypt’s diplomatic efforts and counter-terrorism measures within Africa.
House of Representatives Spokesman Salah Hassiballah held a press conference to discuss the fourth legislative session and several representatives condemned Amnesty International following comments it made criticizing the new NGO Law.
In at least three counter-terrorism raids reported across Egypt, the Ministry of Interior killed at least 12 individuals and Wilayat Sinai reported attacks in Arish and Sheikh Zuweid, including one that it claimed had killed five officers.
In its weekly al-Naba newsletter, the Islamic State reported that its Sinai branch had carried out 228 attacks in the previous year; TIMEP recorded 167 attacks claimed by the Islamic State’s Sinai-based affiliate during that period and Wilayat Sinai continued to claim attacks in North Sinai, using an RPG to target a military tank and engaging in clashes south of Sheikh Zuweid.
A 27-year-old woman was killed in Sheikh Zuweid in a continuing trend of fatalities and injuries due to stray bullets in North Sinai. No individual has claimed responsibility or been held accountable, and Wilayat Sinai continued its insurgency efforts, attacking Egypt’s Saeqa special forces and an M60 tank and engaging in clashes near Sheikh Zuweid.
Civilian fatalities continued in North Sinai, as Mada Masr reported that four children were injured by unmarked improvised explosive device in Sheikh Zuweid and a man was killed after being caught in the crossfire between the military and militants in Bir al-Abd.
Agence France-Presse reported that Chinese officials questioned Uighurs detained in Egypt’s Tora Prison, and the Sinai Tribes Union reported that two officers and four soldiers involved in stray-bullet incidents were called to the Military Judicial Department for investigation.
Our infographic provides a brief snapshot into the central entity established by Egyptian authorities in the wake of the January 25 Revolution to be responsible for reparations,
The common court system is made up of three tiers: courts of first instance, courts of appeal, and the Court of Cassation. The structure and jurisdiction of the common court system is determined by the Judicial Authority Law, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Civil and Commercial Procedure Code.
Regardless of the name they are given, the structure they take, and the scope they adopt, the purpose of truth-seeking measures is often the same: to construct a narrative about the period of conflict or repression.
Even a well-functioning domestic judiciary may not necessarily result in accountability for every abuse committed. For this reason, domestic trials cannot be the only transitional justice mechanism relied on by a country.
Depending on the political context following a period of repression and conflict, amnesties may be able to serve as a complementary transitional justice tool to support other mechanisms of justice; however, if abused, they can entirely fail to guarantee justice for the victims of crimes and further a culture of impunity.