In recent years, the Egyptian regime has promoted a new “vision” of Islam, both locally and internationally, to combat terrorism and religious extremism. President Abdel-Fattah El Sisi not only called for the renewal of “religious discourse” to fight terrorism at the beginning of his presidency, but he also has on numerous occasions highlighted the need for correcting the image of Islam by shaking the “dust” off the Islamic heritage in line with the modern age.
In 2015, the World Health Organization forewarned that Syrian refugees living in Egypt were at a higher risk of developing mental health disorders than members of the host population due to chronic unemployment, financial hardship, violations of individual rights, as well as the residual effects of trauma they experienced during conflict and as a result of recent displacement. Today, the same risks factors have been met and exacerbated by the lack of social protection mechanisms and legal enforcement in place to prevent and penalize abuse and discrimination towards refugees across Egypt.
The reality is that Egypt’s economy is neither on track to collapse nor is it likely to “boom.” The truth is decidedly less extreme yet remains troubling. Egypt’s economy won’t collapse because its international partners won’t allow it to. Egypt is too big to fail and the government knows it.
After outlawing protests and slowly dominating traditional media, the Egyptian state has embarked upon a multipronged strategy aimed at completely controlling and curtailing digital spaces, including censorship through website blocking, arrests based on social media posts, hacking attempts against activists, and the legalization of these practices through a myriad of new draconian laws.
EDEX was a rare opportunity for the country to showcase its military industry on the international stage. Egypt’s recent grandiose arms procurements from multiple sources, combined with aspirations of indigenous, self-sufficient arms industries, are efforts toward securing strategic and sustainable arms supplies but are likely destined to fall well short of government expectations.
Ahead of Egypt’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) pre-session, TIMEP and the Law Society of England and Wales issued a UPR Advocacy Fact Sheet that complements the joint stakeholder report that the two organizations published in March 2019 per the UPR process.
The poor state of Egyptian detention centers, combined with the mass incarceration that Egypt has seen in recent years, constitutes violations of human rights en masse, without access to justice, further normalizing and entrenching these abject conditions.
Egypt’s 2019 draft NGO Law governs the process by which domestic and foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can achieve legal recognition and sets forth provisions on their activities, oversight and monitoring, funding, and sanctions for violations of the law.
This monthly compilation of TIMEP briefs offers succinct, policy-relevant information on regional issues, laws, and policies, highlighting the context in which developments occur, their trajectories, and implications.
The Church Construction Law subjects Christians to a separate and unequal justice system. The law’s slow implementation also raises concerns about whether it can create lasting change for minorities.
TIMEP continues to call on the Egyptian government to adhere to its domestic and international obligations to guarantee freedom of expression.
TIMEP offers condolences to victims and families killed in the attack on the Sufi mosque in Bir al-Abd, North Sinai, and resoundingly denounces this attack and ongoing violence in Egypt.
TIMEP continues to call on the Egyptian government to immediately end its persecution of Egypt’s LGBT community and wider crackdown on individual freedoms and freedom of expression.
On Sunday April 16, a Cairo criminal court acquitted Egyptian-American activist Aya Hijazi and six co-defendants on charges of human trafficking, kidnapping, and the sexual exploitation and torture of children.
The letter addressed the current crackdown on Egypt’s civil society organizations, human rights defenders, and media workers as evidenced by the continuation of the 2011 legal case against NGOs.
The fact sheet here describes the various individuals who announced their intention to contest the elections, the response to that announcement, and other relevant information about their campaigns.
The final brief in the Pulling Back the Curtain series highlights developments and dynamics during and after the voting period, focusing on domestic and international reactions to President Abdel-Fattah El Sisi’s reelection.
Rather than present a vision for Egypt’s next four years, Sisi eschewed any real policy platform in favor of mobilizing sentiments of both fear and patriotism to ensure that citizens participate in the vote.
Egypt’s 2018 presidential election period offers little illusion of any outcome than the president’s reelection. Yet Sisi’s second term will have important implications in several policy areas.
These repressive measures notwithstanding, the period also included genuine resistance, both to President Abdel-Fattah El Sisi and to the compulsory nature of his reelection.
A parliamentary delegation from the Budget Committee traveled to the United States to meet with various financial and budgeting agencies, as well as local organizations. The delegation is discussing Egypt’s economic reform program, anti-corruption measures, and the budgeting process.
President Abdel-Fattah El Sisi participated in the recent G7 Summit in France, and members of Egypt’s House of Representatives praised the event as signifying Egypt’s economic and diplomatic prominence on the international stage.
Following a car bomb explosion outside of the National Cancer Institute in Cairo on August 4 that killed 20 people, members of Egypt’s House of Representatives condemned terrorism in Egypt. One representative blamed the Muslim Brotherhood for the attack, and others asserted that the attack would not deter Egyptians’ resolve to counter extremism.
The International Relations Committee from the Pan-African Parliament convened in Egypt August 5–8 to discuss regional concerns to the institution. Several officials from the Egyptian House spoke at the continental body’s sessions, highlighting Egypt’s diplomatic efforts and counter-terrorism measures within Africa.
House of Representatives Spokesman Salah Hassiballah held a press conference to discuss the fourth legislative session and several representatives condemned Amnesty International following comments it made criticizing the new NGO Law.
The House of Representatives approved the draft NGO Law on July 15, which will replace the 2017 NGO Law if ratified by President Abdel-Fattah El Sisi. Representatives were critical of the draft law being submitted so close to the end of the legislative session, noting that they did not have an appropriate amount of time to debate it.
In at least three counter-terrorism raids reported across Egypt, the Ministry of Interior killed at least 12 individuals and Wilayat Sinai reported attacks in Arish and Sheikh Zuweid, including one that it claimed had killed five officers.
In its weekly al-Naba newsletter, the Islamic State reported that its Sinai branch had carried out 228 attacks in the previous year; TIMEP recorded 167 attacks claimed by the Islamic State’s Sinai-based affiliate during that period and Wilayat Sinai continued to claim attacks in North Sinai, using an RPG to target a military tank and engaging in clashes south of Sheikh Zuweid.
A 27-year-old woman was killed in Sheikh Zuweid in a continuing trend of fatalities and injuries due to stray bullets in North Sinai. No individual has claimed responsibility or been held accountable, and Wilayat Sinai continued its insurgency efforts, attacking Egypt’s Saeqa special forces and an M60 tank and engaging in clashes near Sheikh Zuweid.
Civilian fatalities continued in North Sinai, as Mada Masr reported that four children were injured by unmarked improvised explosive device in Sheikh Zuweid and a man was killed after being caught in the crossfire between the military and militants in Bir al-Abd.
Agence France-Presse reported that Chinese officials questioned Uighurs detained in Egypt’s Tora Prison, and the Sinai Tribes Union reported that two officers and four soldiers involved in stray-bullet incidents were called to the Military Judicial Department for investigation.
Our infographic provides a brief snapshot into the central entity established by Egyptian authorities in the wake of the January 25 Revolution to be responsible for reparations,
The common court system is made up of three tiers: courts of first instance, courts of appeal, and the Court of Cassation. The structure and jurisdiction of the common court system is determined by the Judicial Authority Law, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Civil and Commercial Procedure Code.
Regardless of the name they are given, the structure they take, and the scope they adopt, the purpose of truth-seeking measures is often the same: to construct a narrative about the period of conflict or repression.
Even a well-functioning domestic judiciary may not necessarily result in accountability for every abuse committed. For this reason, domestic trials cannot be the only transitional justice mechanism relied on by a country.
Depending on the political context following a period of repression and conflict, amnesties may be able to serve as a complementary transitional justice tool to support other mechanisms of justice; however, if abused, they can entirely fail to guarantee justice for the victims of crimes and further a culture of impunity.